We have some exciting news for fans of digitization, preservation, and history. The Florida and Puerto Rico Digital Newspaper Project has been awarded funding from the National Endowment of the Humanities for a third digitization cycle! We’ll let you know as soon as newspaper titles are selected, but for now you can read more in our press release:
University of Florida Libraries Receive Additional $310,000 from the National Endowment for the Humanities
Digitization project provides free online access to historic newspapers from Florida and Puerto Rico
August 2, 2017
GAINESVILLE, Fla. — The University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries was recently awarded supplemental funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) to digitize in excess of 100,000 pages of historic newspapers. The $310,000 NEH grant will provide additional funding support for the “Florida and Puerto Rico Digital Newspaper Project”, which is part of the state’s and territory’s participation in the National Digital Newspaper Program (NDNP). The award supplements earlier grants of $288,000 in 2015 and $325,000 in 2013, making the total award $923,000, the single largest direct award ever received by the Libraries.
Led by project director Patrick Reakes and project manager Melissa Jerome, the project is a collaboration between the University of Florida (UF) Libraries and the library at the University of Puerto Rico-Rio Piedras (UPR-RP). It will provide a national, digital resource of historically significant newspapers published between 1690 and 1963 from Florida and Puerto Rico.
“This additional funding is extremely important and provides the opportunity to substantially expand access to historically important newspapers in both Florida and Puerto Rico” said Reakes. “The Florida and Puerto Rico Digital Newspaper Project has always focused on two primary goals; to provide access to a large corpus of newspapers that previously had limited availability and also to provide a long term, sustainable option for archiving them in a format other than microfilm. By the end of this portion of the project we’ll have in excess of 300,000 pages digitized and they are all freely available to anyone who wants to use them.”
On Memorial Day we honor those who have died serving in the U.S. Armed Forces. Florida has played a central role in both U.S military and aviation history, and today we want to focus on the state’s contribution to the development of aerial warfare leading up to and through World War I. Events surrounding naval aviation were covered extensively in Florida newspapers, notably The Pensacola journal. This is in large part because Florida served as “the ‘springboard’ from which was launched the expedition which revolutionized the history of warfare by using airpower”, which led William C. Lazarus to refer to the state as “the womb of airpower” (Lazarus 42).
The origins of the Pensacola Naval Aeronautical Station, now known as Naval Air Station Pensacola, demonstrate the changing needs of the American military in the early 20th century. As aerial technology advanced, the U.S. Military developed an interest in the burgeoning field of aviation. In 1913, naval officers began searching for a location that would allow them to train pilots year-round and the area near Pensacola caught their eye due in part to the fact they could repurpose the facilities which from 1825-1911 had served as the Pensacola Navy Yard. According to Lazarus, “The old Navy Yard at Pensacola with its year-round flying weather, landlocked bay and numerous facilities capable of conversion, was the Board’s unanimous choice” (Lazarus 40). After making their decision, the Navy moved quickly to get the new station off the ground as soon as possible. By early 1914, ships containing planes began arriving in Pensacola and the first official flight took place on February 2, 1914 when Lt. J.H. Towers and Ensign Godfrey Chevalier flew for “twenty minutes…over the station and Bayou Grande.” Shortly thereafter, the community was reminded of the dangers associated with aviation when “Lt. James McClees Murray, USN, was killed in the crash of a Burgess D-1 flying boat” on February 16, 1914 (Lazarus 41-42). Nevertheless both the Navy and The Pensacola journal remained optimistic about the future of aerial warfare.
Only a few short months after the initial flight in Pensacola, naval aviation forces were ordered to transport their planes to Texas in order to engage in the expedition pursuing General Francisco “Poncho” Villa in Mexico. The Ocala evening star enthusiastically reported on the offensive the next month, speculating that in twenty five years, students would discuss the flight and accompanying details in history classes. The Pensacola journal also featured a long, front page article discussing how the “aviators made maps of Vera Cruz, Mexico…aiding in the occupation of (the) Mexican port” just before the pilots returned to Pensacola.
Airplanes were not the only aviation technology being explored and tested in Pensacola prior to World War I. At the time, the Navy was also exploring the possibility of using dirigibles (also known as airships or blimps somewhat interchangeably at the time) for combat. The Pensacola journal documents the arrival of the “first dirigible balloon of U.S. Navy” on December 15, 1916, eagerly anticipating the “preliminary tests” which would run as soon as it was constructed. Because it was considerably larger than the extant airplanes, the Navy soon realized they needed to build a hanger specifically for the balloon, and in 1917 it was announced that funding had been earmarked for that particular purpose. The DN-1 made its maiden voyage on April 20, 1917 and continued to be of interest both in Pensacola and among the national press.
The Navy established an official aeronautics school to train future pilots and other support positions on August 17, 1916. However, according to historian George F. Pearce due to “inadequate funding and lack of personnel, the school developed slowly until after the United States entered the war” (Pearce 151). Despite being underfunded, the small number of trained American aviators were nonetheless prepared to be deployed in Europe when the United States entered WWI. During the war, the Navy also designated the emblem of Navy aeronautics and recruited future aviators who were “some of the most prominent figures in the world of college sports” due to the physically demanding nature of aviation. In total, “from January 1914 until November 11, 1919 (the Armistice), Pensacola Naval Air Station trained 921 seaplane pilots, 63 dirigible pilots and 15 free-balloon pilots” many of whom would be stationed around Europe during the war (Lazarus 48).
After the war began, the Naval Aeronautical Station found itself with increased funding and a need for not only more aviators but a larger labor pool in general. Job openings for police, electricians, machinists, and more were posted in The Pensacola journal during the war. According to Pearce, “the war-inflated salaries paid to the large labor force drawn to the station to meet its burgeoning labor needs added another stimulus to quicken the pulse of the city’s economy” (Pearce 159-160). In addition to boosting Pensacola’s economy, those stationed at the base also participated in society events and other leisure activities in Pensacola. These included the Navy Yard Jazz Band providing music at the local Labor Day picnic, officers going hunting with locals, being entertained in the homes of prominent members of the Pensacola community, and marrying into local families. The influx of personnel at the Naval Aeronautical Station certainly shaped Pensacola’s culture during the war years.
After the Armistice, the military broadly had to contend with shrinking budgets during the period of post-war demobilization. Even though many were optimistic about the future of aviation warfare, including the Ocala evening star, who, in September 1914 touted the European conflict as “the world’s first great war in the air,” there were some in government who were less eager about providing the funding needed to support further development in this field. The Pensacola journal enthusiastically backed continuing the program, perhaps in part due to national pride as well as the fact that it benefited the local economy. This position is frequently reinforced by the tone of news stories about naval aviation in the years after the war. For example, the paper dedicated the front page of the “woman’s feature section” to a long story on the “possibilities of aviation” on April 6, 1919. In addition to keeping abreast of national policy discussions, they also covered the visits of individuals who supported developing the aviation program including that of then Assistant Secretary of the Navy Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Admiral W. A. Moffett.
Today, aviation still plays an important role in the U.S military. The Naval Aeronautical Station at Pensacola, and the men who learned to fly there, should be remembered for their contributions during the developmental days of the field.
Hoy le presentaremos otro nuevo título: La Correspondencia de Puerto Rico.
Periódico fundado en San Juan en diciembre de 1890 por Ramón B. López, un hombre de negocios. Con éste se inauguran prácticas y enfoques de periodismo moderno. Este periódico refleja los cambios en la prensa, lo que se ha denominado periodismo moderno, que pasó de ser una prensa esencialmente oficial, a una con aspiraciones liberales, ilustradas y de modernización. La Correspondencia se considera el primer diario de carácter noticioso y accesible a un público más amplio. Durante su primer año de publicación se distribuían más de 5,000 ejemplares y era el periódico más económico. Sus editoriales trataban muchos asuntos de interés público, entre éstos: las demandas por la educación de la mujer, el reconocimiento a las asociaciones obreras por su labor, los reclamos de comerciantes, empresarios o propietarios agrícolas; las fiestas de alta sociedad, las actividades oficiales gubernamentales y militares, las disputas por impuestos o resoluciones del gobierno y novedades relacionadas con las artes, la literatura y la propia prensa ante sus adversarios. El lema que encabezaba el periódico era: “Diario absolutamente imparcial, eco de la opinión y de la prensa.” Este periódico tuvo desde sus inicios una intención comercial y de carácter popular. En un editorial publicado en 1892, se consigna que es un “periódico esencialmente noticiero, inofensivo y ajeno a las enconadas luchas de las banderías políticas…” Este se anunciaba como “periódico popular de todos y para todos, independiente, neutral y noticiero.” Entre las secciones del periódico figuran, Sección Neutral, Noticias de la Isla, Notas y un resumen de la Gaceta Oficial. A partir del 1902, el Dr. Manuel Zeno Gandía adquirió el periódico y efectuó reformas durante los doce años que lo dirigió. El periódico tomó un carácter político y tuvo diversos directores en distintas épocas. La Correspondencia recoge años de historia puertorriqueña; por su intensa trayectoria y servicio al país, ostenta un sitial elevado en la historia del periodismo puertorriqueño.
Today we’ll be introducing another new title to you: La Correspondencia de Puerto Rico
La Correspondencia de Puerto Rico was founded in San Juan in December of 1890 by Ramón B. Lopez, a businessman. With this, practices and approaches of modern journalism were inaugurated. This newspaper reflects the changes in the press, which has been called modern journalism, which changed from being an essentially official press to one with liberal, enlightened and modernizing aspirations. La Correspondencia is considered the first newsworthy newspaper and was accessible to a wider public. It was the most economic newspaper available and during its first year of publication more than 5,000 copies were distributed. Its editorials dealt with many matters of public interest, among them: demands for the education of women, recognition of workers’ associations for their work, claims of merchants, entrepreneurs or agricultural owners; High society parties, official governmental and military activities, tax disputes or government resolutions, and news related to the arts, literature, and the press itself before their adversaries. The motto that headed the newspaper was: “Diario absolutemente imparcial, eco de la opinion y de la prensa”, regarding itself as an “absolutely impartial daily, echo of opinion and of the press.” From its beginnings, this newspaper had a commercial and popular intention. In an editorial published in 1892, it is said that it is a “newsworthy newspaper, harmless and oblivious to the fierce struggles of political bands”. It was announced as “a popular newspaper of all and for all, independent, neutral and newsworthy.” Sections of the newspaper include, Neutral Section, Island News, Notes and a summary of the Official Gazette. In 1902, Dr. Manuel Zeno Gandía acquired the newspaper and made reforms during the twelve years that he directed it. The newspaper took a political stance and had various directors in different times. La Correspondencia gathers years of Puerto Rican history; through its intense trajectory and service to the country, it holds a high place in the history of Puerto Rican journalism.
Written in Spanish by Myra Torres Álamo
Translated by Melissa Jerome
Coss Pontón, L.F. (2007). Análisis histórico de la noción del periodismo profesional en Puerto Rico, del siglo XIX al XX. Tesis doctoral presentada al Departamento de Historia de la Facultad de Humanidades, Universidad de Puerto Rico.
Pedreira, A. S. (1982). El periodismo en Puerto Rico. Río Piedras: Editorial Edil.
Sidney J. Catts served as the 22nd Governor of Florida from 1917 to 1921. While he only held office for one term, this colorful character certainly left his mark on Florida history. Originally a Democrat, he ended up running for governor on the Prohibition Party ticket after a close and contested primary. Beyond calls for prohibition, Catts mobilized rural voters by promoting an explicitly anti-Catholic platform. As we’ll explore today, these two aspects of his campaign were interrelated and reflect the imagined fears of a subset of Floridians during the early 20th century.
Born July 31, 1863 in Pleasant Hill, Alabama, Catts attended various colleges before graduating with a law degree from Cumberland University in Tennessee in 1882. He became both a Southern Baptist and a minister of the faith in 1886 despite having no theological or pastoral training. Known for having a divisive personality, Catts didn’t tend to last very long as pastor of any given church. As historian and Catts biographer Wayne Flynt puts it, “Sydney Catts was a visceral man who lived by the emotion of the moment, and many a temper tantrum would be followed by many a remorseful apology” (Flynt 2). Catts moved his family to DeFuniak Springs, Florida in 1911, where he worked as a pastor and insurance salesman.
Catts initially entered the 1916 gubernatorial race as a Democrat. After a close primary, which Catts initially won, multiple recounts resulted in his opponent, William J. Knott, receiving the party nomination. Not deterred by this setback, Catts decided to run as a Prohibition Party candidate, which allowed him to criticize both the Democratic Party and what he perceived to be foreign influence in politics. His campaign took him to rural areas of Florida not usually visited by traditional politicians, and he is remembered for pioneering the use of the automobile to campaign in more remote parts of the state.
It appears the press in Florida had rather mixed opinions on Catts during the 1916 election. Discussing a study of the Florida press, Flynt states “before the June ballot, the press generally had dismissed Catts as a back country buffoon from the panhandle; but after the Supreme Court denied him the nomination, many papers defended him as the real party nominee” (Flynt 81-82). This column from the Palatka News and Advertiserhighlights the opinions of several newspapers in the state. While another column from the Punta Gorda Herald reports that some of Catts’ more far-fetched assertions were making headlines in Havana, Cuba. This of course, refers to his belief that the Pope would take over the U.S and move Rome to San Antonio, Florida.
The platform that Catts ran on “struck one major theme: the Democratic machine, supported by partisan courts, had stolen the nomination from the people’s choice” (Flynt 77). He linked this position to larger conspiracies about government influence; the most notable being that the Pope in Rome was planning to take over America and would do so by mobilizing American Catholics to rebel against the government. This would be possible, he believed, because nuns and monks in convents and monasteries were stockpiling weapons. Despite there being no proof of such activities, Flynt comments that “Catts’s oratory manifested an almost psychotic anti-Catholicism” and that to “protect himself, he carried two revolvers which he displayed prominently on the podium to quite unruly crowds and awe his followers” (Flynt 80). Although Catholics only made up about 12% of the population of Florida in 1890, Catts was able to capitalize on anti-Catholic sentiment related to fears about immigration that existed in Florida (and the rest of the United States) during most of the late 19th and early 20th century (Gaustad et al. C.17). In that sense, according to historian David Page, Catts “was rather a shrewd observer of the swelling tide of anti-Catholic prejudice” which “he played upon” when “visiting the backwoods regions of Florida” (Page 113). He used the fear of Catholicism and disillusionment with the mainstream Democratic Party to mobilize his supporters. His words must have resonated with the voting populace, because on Election Day he won “thirty-eight counties, while losing only fourteen” (Flynt 90).
Catts’ fear of Catholic influence carried over into his tenure as Governor. In his inaugural address, he promised to encourage the passage of a law that would open “all closed institutions to police inspection.” Catts believed that such a law would allow for the more careful monitoring of “convents, parochial schools and other institutions of like nature” in order to neutralize the threat of Catholic take over. The legislature responded positively to the governor’s request, and passed a bill establishing a board to monitor such institutions during the 1917 legislative session. Despite being codified into law, the bill wasn’t enforced and was ultimately repealed in 1935 (Page 116). Catts was also successful in getting the legislature to approve a prohibition amendment, which the people ratified in 1918. While less explicitly anti-Catholic, many Protestants like Catts believed prohibition would curb Catholic immigrant drinking culture and help them more quickly adopt dominate American (Protestant) culture.
While Catts was unabashedly anti-Catholic broadly, he nonetheless maintained relationships with some individual Catholics including his own daughter-in-law (Flynt 15). This inconsistency resulted in many Florida newspapers relishing at opportunities to point out when Catts appointed a Catholic to public office. A one-term governor, the state press largely ignored Catts during the 1920 U.S. Senate race (which he lost). Catts ran for governor of Florida again in both 1924 and 1928, but he wasn’t able to mobilize the same state-wide support he found in 1916. After failing to get his party’s nomination in 1928, Catts, never afraid to oppose his own party, spent considerable effort campaigning against Al Smith, the Democratic (and Catholic) presidential candidate (Flynt 326). Smith lost the election, and shortly thereafter Catts retired to DeFuniak Springs where he died on March 9, 1936.
A polarizing figure, Governor Sidney J. Catts represents the populism, anti-Catholicism, and nativism which flourished in the early 20th century. His novel approach to campaigning allowed him to reach a rural population who rallied behind his call for prohibition. Unquestionably motivated by his Baptist faith, Catts made headlines before, during, and after his tenure as governor.
Citations and Additional Resources
Flynt, Wayne. Cracker Messiah: Governor Sidney J. Catts of Florida. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1977.
Graham, Thomas. “The First Developers.” In The History of Florida, ed. Michael Gannon, 276-295. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2013.
Gaustad, Edwin Scott, and Phillip L. Barrow. New Historical Atlas of Religion in America 3rd Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.
Rivers, Eugene Larry. “Florida’s African American Experience: The Twentieth Century and Beyond.” In The History of Florida, ed. Michael Gannon, 444-469. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2013.
In Emancipation Betrayed: The Hidden History of Black Organizing and White Violence in Florida from Reconstruction to the Bloody Election of 1920, Paul Ortiz concludes “American history has completely erased the martyrs of 1920” (Oritz 229). Who are these martyrs and why were they forgotten? In this post, we’ll explore the aftermath of what is now known as the Ocoee Massacre by viewing responses from white Florida newspapers found in the Chronicling America collection to remind people of the consequences of racism in the not-so-distant past.
November 2, 1920 marked two important cultural moments; the first Presidential election in which (white) women were able to vote nation-wide and the culmination of the “Florida movement” among African Americans in the state. This voter registration movement began “January 19, 1919-Emancipation Day-“ and sought to mobilize thousands of African American voters. They intended to resist the entrenched Democratic Party’s control of the state as well as challenge “the fundamental elements of racial oppression: poverty wages, debt peonage, failing schools, racial violence, and corrupt law enforcement” (Ortiz 172 & 205). In the months and weeks leading up to the election, white Floridians sought to intimidate African Americans by holding Ku Klux Klan rallies and parades. While The Ocala evening star referred to the Klan’s activities as “incendiary foolishness,” The Daytona daily news reported on Election Day that their “demonstration” proved that the Klan “is in touch with local affairs” and lambasted another local paper for their “efforts” to “belittle the organization.”
On Election Day, African Americans attempted to vote, but faced “a planned system of fraud” throughout the state (Ortiz 220). In Ocoee, voter suppression combined with the accusation that an African American man named Mose Norman returned to the polls with a gun after not being allowed to vote, culminated in a white riot that tore through Ocoee. This riot resulted in the deaths, including at least one lynching, of an unknown number of African Americans, the destruction of all African American homes and social institutions in Ocoee, and an attempt on the part of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) to force the U.S. Congress to hold the state of Florida accountable for voter suppression.
On the morning of November 3rd, the stories in both The Ocala evening star and The Daytona daily newsframe the stories as the fault of the African American man who wanted to vote. In an article also run in the Times-Union, The Ocala evening star states “fifty carloads of men left Orlando to help preserve order.” The Klan-supporting Daytona paper states that after “two young white men” were shot from the house that Norman found shelter in, a shootout started which then required “the white people to set fire to 18 houses as a manner of protection.” The next day, The Ocala evening star ran a front page Associated Press article which declared “storing ammunition and attacking the whites does not pay them (African Americans)” and on November 6th it re-ran a piece from the Orlando Reporter-Star which asserted the “doctrine of social equality has no place in the South” and suggests African Americans “Stop loafing, get to work, and keep out of mischief.” These stories all gloss over the fact that “a group of white men chased Norman from the polls” and then decided they should “pay Moses Norman a visit to bring him to his senses” (Ortiz 220-221).
In the months that followed, the events at Ocoee were infrequently discussed in our white Florida papers. Sporadic reports discussed the hearings in Washington D.C. requested by the NAACP in response to the massacre. Paul Oritz argues that the event “drove nearly five hundred African Americans out of Ocoee, and the town became Florida’s newest white homeland,” which may explain the lack of coverage of the issue (Ortiz 223). The dearth in coverage in Florida papers after the massacre demonstrates deeply entrenched racial issues, the effects of which can still be felt today, in early 20th century Florida.
Citations and Additional Resources
Ortiz, Paul. Emancipation Betrayed: The Hidden History of Black Organizing and White Violence in Florida from Reconstruction to the Bloody Election of 1920. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2005.
Henry Flagler is a name that will be instantly familiar to Florida history enthusiasts, and his influence is still apparent throughout the state. One of Flagler’s many projects in Florida was the development of the railroad system which tied in to his interest in promoting and popularizing Florida as a tourist destination. One of his most ambitious projects, the construction of a railway to the Florida Keys, called “Flagler’s Folly” by his critics, is the subject we’ll look at today.
Flagler’s involvement in railroad building in Florida stretches back to the 1880s. By the early 20th century, Flagler was of the opinion that a railway needed to reach the Florida Keys. The “excitement generated by” U.S. acquisition of and future “construction of the Panama Canal in 1902 made him anxious to develop a port” in the southernmost area of Florida (Stronge 52). Flagler knew reaching a port in Key West would be difficult given its remote location, and decided to remedy this by expanding his extant railroad line further south. While his expansion opened before the canal that inspired its construction, it nonetheless took seven years for the Florida East Coast Railway to complete the 120+ mile project. In that time, many, including the Florida press, questioned the decision to build in an area “destitute of soil” that required materials to be imported to build above the tideline.
Building this particular segment of railroad was not a straightforward venture for Flagler. In addition to being an engineering challenge, construction itself was plagued by a “chronic labor shortage in the state” as well as catastrophic weather events (Akin 215). Hiring a labor force largely from outside of Florida, Flagler‘s railroad faced accusations of peonage which went to trial in 1908 (a charge the Ocala evening star reported as false) and were eventually dismissed. The construction timeline and plans were also altered several times due to the damage sustained by hurricanes in 1906, 1909, and 1910. Delays became a newsworthy topic in papers that sporadically provided updates on the project. After the 1909 hurricane, a reprint of a Miami Metropolis story in the Pensacola journalannounced a “setback of a year.” Despite this, the reporter editorialized “nothing short of total destruction of the line would deter Mr. Flagler from executing his plan.” While hurricane damage proved a setback, it also served as a learning opportunity. According to scholar Edward Akin, the destruction caused by the 1910 hurricane served as a “valuable lesson” for Flagler regarding which materials were capable of withstanding heavy winds and rain (Akin 221).
The railway finally opened, with much fanfare, on January 22, 1912. Those in attendance included Flagler as well as “a large delegation of United States congressmen and senators” along with “military personal, foreign ambassadors, and Florida officials” (Akin 223). In a proclamation promoting the extension’s impending opening, Governor Gilchrist claimed the project to be “of nation-wide and of world-wide importance, being second in importance only to the construction of the Panama canal (sic).” Another article in the Pensacola journal reported that those referring to the project as “’Flagler’s folly’ now admit that it was a piece of far-sighted business sagacity.” Henry Flagler passed away May 20, 1913, and the construction of the “Over-Sea” road served as an example of his substantial impact on the state. Unfortunately, the Key West Extension is viewed as a business failure having “never earned the expected revenue before the Labor Day hurricane of 1935 destroyed it” (Akin 223). In some ways however, the memory of Flagler’s railroad lives on. The route and some of the original railroad structure, which opened in 1938, now comprise the Oversees Highway as part of U.S. Route 1.
Citations and Additional Resources
Akin, Edward N. Flagler: Rockefeller Partner and Florida Baron. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1988.
Stronge, William B. The Sunshine Economy: An Economic History of Florida since the Civil War. Gainesville, Florida: University Press of Florida, 2008.