We have some exciting news for fans of digitization, preservation, and history. The Florida and Puerto Rico Digital Newspaper Project has been awarded funding from the National Endowment of the Humanities for a third digitization cycle! We’ll let you know as soon as newspaper titles are selected, but for now you can read more in our press release:
University of Florida Libraries Receive Additional $310,000 from the National Endowment for the Humanities
Digitization project provides free online access to historic newspapers from Florida and Puerto Rico
August 2, 2017
GAINESVILLE, Fla. — The University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries was recently awarded supplemental funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) to digitize in excess of 100,000 pages of historic newspapers. The $310,000 NEH grant will provide additional funding support for the “Florida and Puerto Rico Digital Newspaper Project”, which is part of the state’s and territory’s participation in the National Digital Newspaper Program (NDNP). The award supplements earlier grants of $288,000 in 2015 and $325,000 in 2013, making the total award $923,000, the single largest direct award ever received by the Libraries.
Led by project director Patrick Reakes and project manager Melissa Jerome, the project is a collaboration between the University of Florida (UF) Libraries and the library at the University of Puerto Rico-Rio Piedras (UPR-RP). It will provide a national, digital resource of historically significant newspapers published between 1690 and 1963 from Florida and Puerto Rico.
“This additional funding is extremely important and provides the opportunity to substantially expand access to historically important newspapers in both Florida and Puerto Rico” said Reakes. “The Florida and Puerto Rico Digital Newspaper Project has always focused on two primary goals; to provide access to a large corpus of newspapers that previously had limited availability and also to provide a long term, sustainable option for archiving them in a format other than microfilm. By the end of this portion of the project we’ll have in excess of 300,000 pages digitized and they are all freely available to anyone who wants to use them.”
On Memorial Day we honor those who have died serving in the U.S. Armed Forces. Florida has played a central role in both U.S military and aviation history, and today we want to focus on the state’s contribution to the development of aerial warfare leading up to and through World War I. Events surrounding naval aviation were covered extensively in Florida newspapers, notably The Pensacola journal. This is in large part because Florida served as “the ‘springboard’ from which was launched the expedition which revolutionized the history of warfare by using airpower”, which led William C. Lazarus to refer to the state as “the womb of airpower” (Lazarus 42).
The origins of the Pensacola Naval Aeronautical Station, now known as Naval Air Station Pensacola, demonstrate the changing needs of the American military in the early 20th century. As aerial technology advanced, the U.S. Military developed an interest in the burgeoning field of aviation. In 1913, naval officers began searching for a location that would allow them to train pilots year-round and the area near Pensacola caught their eye due in part to the fact they could repurpose the facilities which from 1825-1911 had served as the Pensacola Navy Yard. According to Lazarus, “The old Navy Yard at Pensacola with its year-round flying weather, landlocked bay and numerous facilities capable of conversion, was the Board’s unanimous choice” (Lazarus 40). After making their decision, the Navy moved quickly to get the new station off the ground as soon as possible. By early 1914, ships containing planes began arriving in Pensacola and the first official flight took place on February 2, 1914 when Lt. J.H. Towers and Ensign Godfrey Chevalier flew for “twenty minutes…over the station and Bayou Grande.” Shortly thereafter, the community was reminded of the dangers associated with aviation when “Lt. James McClees Murray, USN, was killed in the crash of a Burgess D-1 flying boat” on February 16, 1914 (Lazarus 41-42). Nevertheless both the Navy and The Pensacola journal remained optimistic about the future of aerial warfare.
Only a few short months after the initial flight in Pensacola, naval aviation forces were ordered to transport their planes to Texas in order to engage in the expedition pursuing General Francisco “Poncho” Villa in Mexico. The Ocala evening star enthusiastically reported on the offensive the next month, speculating that in twenty five years, students would discuss the flight and accompanying details in history classes. The Pensacola journal also featured a long, front page article discussing how the “aviators made maps of Vera Cruz, Mexico…aiding in the occupation of (the) Mexican port” just before the pilots returned to Pensacola.
Airplanes were not the only aviation technology being explored and tested in Pensacola prior to World War I. At the time, the Navy was also exploring the possibility of using dirigibles (also known as airships or blimps somewhat interchangeably at the time) for combat. The Pensacola journal documents the arrival of the “first dirigible balloon of U.S. Navy” on December 15, 1916, eagerly anticipating the “preliminary tests” which would run as soon as it was constructed. Because it was considerably larger than the extant airplanes, the Navy soon realized they needed to build a hanger specifically for the balloon, and in 1917 it was announced that funding had been earmarked for that particular purpose. The DN-1 made its maiden voyage on April 20, 1917 and continued to be of interest both in Pensacola and among the national press.
The Navy established an official aeronautics school to train future pilots and other support positions on August 17, 1916. However, according to historian George F. Pearce due to “inadequate funding and lack of personnel, the school developed slowly until after the United States entered the war” (Pearce 151). Despite being underfunded, the small number of trained American aviators were nonetheless prepared to be deployed in Europe when the United States entered WWI. During the war, the Navy also designated the emblem of Navy aeronautics and recruited future aviators who were “some of the most prominent figures in the world of college sports” due to the physically demanding nature of aviation. In total, “from January 1914 until November 11, 1919 (the Armistice), Pensacola Naval Air Station trained 921 seaplane pilots, 63 dirigible pilots and 15 free-balloon pilots” many of whom would be stationed around Europe during the war (Lazarus 48).
After the war began, the Naval Aeronautical Station found itself with increased funding and a need for not only more aviators but a larger labor pool in general. Job openings for police, electricians, machinists, and more were posted in The Pensacola journal during the war. According to Pearce, “the war-inflated salaries paid to the large labor force drawn to the station to meet its burgeoning labor needs added another stimulus to quicken the pulse of the city’s economy” (Pearce 159-160). In addition to boosting Pensacola’s economy, those stationed at the base also participated in society events and other leisure activities in Pensacola. These included the Navy Yard Jazz Band providing music at the local Labor Day picnic, officers going hunting with locals, being entertained in the homes of prominent members of the Pensacola community, and marrying into local families. The influx of personnel at the Naval Aeronautical Station certainly shaped Pensacola’s culture during the war years.
After the Armistice, the military broadly had to contend with shrinking budgets during the period of post-war demobilization. Even though many were optimistic about the future of aviation warfare, including the Ocala evening star, who, in September 1914 touted the European conflict as “the world’s first great war in the air,” there were some in government who were less eager about providing the funding needed to support further development in this field. The Pensacola journal enthusiastically backed continuing the program, perhaps in part due to national pride as well as the fact that it benefited the local economy. This position is frequently reinforced by the tone of news stories about naval aviation in the years after the war. For example, the paper dedicated the front page of the “woman’s feature section” to a long story on the “possibilities of aviation” on April 6, 1919. In addition to keeping abreast of national policy discussions, they also covered the visits of individuals who supported developing the aviation program including that of then Assistant Secretary of the Navy Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Admiral W. A. Moffett.
Today, aviation still plays an important role in the U.S military. The Naval Aeronautical Station at Pensacola, and the men who learned to fly there, should be remembered for their contributions during the developmental days of the field.
Hoy le presentaremos otro nuevo título: La Correspondencia de Puerto Rico.
Periódico fundado en San Juan en diciembre de 1890 por Ramón B. López, un hombre de negocios. Con éste se inauguran prácticas y enfoques de periodismo moderno. Este periódico refleja los cambios en la prensa, lo que se ha denominado periodismo moderno, que pasó de ser una prensa esencialmente oficial, a una con aspiraciones liberales, ilustradas y de modernización. La Correspondencia se considera el primer diario de carácter noticioso y accesible a un público más amplio. Durante su primer año de publicación se distribuían más de 5,000 ejemplares y era el periódico más económico. Sus editoriales trataban muchos asuntos de interés público, entre éstos: las demandas por la educación de la mujer, el reconocimiento a las asociaciones obreras por su labor, los reclamos de comerciantes, empresarios o propietarios agrícolas; las fiestas de alta sociedad, las actividades oficiales gubernamentales y militares, las disputas por impuestos o resoluciones del gobierno y novedades relacionadas con las artes, la literatura y la propia prensa ante sus adversarios. El lema que encabezaba el periódico era: “Diario absolutamente imparcial, eco de la opinión y de la prensa.” Este periódico tuvo desde sus inicios una intención comercial y de carácter popular. En un editorial publicado en 1892, se consigna que es un “periódico esencialmente noticiero, inofensivo y ajeno a las enconadas luchas de las banderías políticas…” Este se anunciaba como “periódico popular de todos y para todos, independiente, neutral y noticiero.” Entre las secciones del periódico figuran, Sección Neutral, Noticias de la Isla, Notas y un resumen de la Gaceta Oficial. A partir del 1902, el Dr. Manuel Zeno Gandía adquirió el periódico y efectuó reformas durante los doce años que lo dirigió. El periódico tomó un carácter político y tuvo diversos directores en distintas épocas. La Correspondencia recoge años de historia puertorriqueña; por su intensa trayectoria y servicio al país, ostenta un sitial elevado en la historia del periodismo puertorriqueño.
Today we’ll be introducing another new title to you: La Correspondencia de Puerto Rico
La Correspondencia de Puerto Rico was founded in San Juan in December of 1890 by Ramón B. Lopez, a businessman. With this, practices and approaches of modern journalism were inaugurated. This newspaper reflects the changes in the press, which has been called modern journalism, which changed from being an essentially official press to one with liberal, enlightened and modernizing aspirations. La Correspondencia is considered the first newsworthy newspaper and was accessible to a wider public. It was the most economic newspaper available and during its first year of publication more than 5,000 copies were distributed. Its editorials dealt with many matters of public interest, among them: demands for the education of women, recognition of workers’ associations for their work, claims of merchants, entrepreneurs or agricultural owners; High society parties, official governmental and military activities, tax disputes or government resolutions, and news related to the arts, literature, and the press itself before their adversaries. The motto that headed the newspaper was: “Diario absolutemente imparcial, eco de la opinion y de la prensa”, regarding itself as an “absolutely impartial daily, echo of opinion and of the press.” From its beginnings, this newspaper had a commercial and popular intention. In an editorial published in 1892, it is said that it is a “newsworthy newspaper, harmless and oblivious to the fierce struggles of political bands”. It was announced as “a popular newspaper of all and for all, independent, neutral and newsworthy.” Sections of the newspaper include, Neutral Section, Island News, Notes and a summary of the Official Gazette. In 1902, Dr. Manuel Zeno Gandía acquired the newspaper and made reforms during the twelve years that he directed it. The newspaper took a political stance and had various directors in different times. La Correspondencia gathers years of Puerto Rican history; through its intense trajectory and service to the country, it holds a high place in the history of Puerto Rican journalism.
Written in Spanish by Myra Torres Álamo
Translated by Melissa Jerome
Coss Pontón, L.F. (2007). Análisis histórico de la noción del periodismo profesional en Puerto Rico, del siglo XIX al XX. Tesis doctoral presentada al Departamento de Historia de la Facultad de Humanidades, Universidad de Puerto Rico.
Pedreira, A. S. (1982). El periodismo en Puerto Rico. Río Piedras: Editorial Edil.
In Emancipation Betrayed: The Hidden History of Black Organizing and White Violence in Florida from Reconstruction to the Bloody Election of 1920, Paul Ortiz concludes “American history has completely erased the martyrs of 1920” (Oritz 229). Who are these martyrs and why were they forgotten? In this post, we’ll explore the aftermath of what is now known as the Ocoee Massacre by viewing responses from white Florida newspapers found in the Chronicling America collection to remind people of the consequences of racism in the not-so-distant past.
November 2, 1920 marked two important cultural moments; the first Presidential election in which (white) women were able to vote nation-wide and the culmination of the “Florida movement” among African Americans in the state. This voter registration movement began “January 19, 1919-Emancipation Day-“ and sought to mobilize thousands of African American voters. They intended to resist the entrenched Democratic Party’s control of the state as well as challenge “the fundamental elements of racial oppression: poverty wages, debt peonage, failing schools, racial violence, and corrupt law enforcement” (Ortiz 172 & 205). In the months and weeks leading up to the election, white Floridians sought to intimidate African Americans by holding Ku Klux Klan rallies and parades. While The Ocala evening star referred to the Klan’s activities as “incendiary foolishness,” The Daytona daily news reported on Election Day that their “demonstration” proved that the Klan “is in touch with local affairs” and lambasted another local paper for their “efforts” to “belittle the organization.”
On Election Day, African Americans attempted to vote, but faced “a planned system of fraud” throughout the state (Ortiz 220). In Ocoee, voter suppression combined with the accusation that an African American man named Mose Norman returned to the polls with a gun after not being allowed to vote, culminated in a white riot that tore through Ocoee. This riot resulted in the deaths, including at least one lynching, of an unknown number of African Americans, the destruction of all African American homes and social institutions in Ocoee, and an attempt on the part of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) to force the U.S. Congress to hold the state of Florida accountable for voter suppression.
On the morning of November 3rd, the stories in both The Ocala evening star and The Daytona daily newsframe the stories as the fault of the African American man who wanted to vote. In an article also run in the Times-Union, The Ocala evening star states “fifty carloads of men left Orlando to help preserve order.” The Klan-supporting Daytona paper states that after “two young white men” were shot from the house that Norman found shelter in, a shootout started which then required “the white people to set fire to 18 houses as a manner of protection.” The next day, The Ocala evening star ran a front page Associated Press article which declared “storing ammunition and attacking the whites does not pay them (African Americans)” and on November 6th it re-ran a piece from the Orlando Reporter-Star which asserted the “doctrine of social equality has no place in the South” and suggests African Americans “Stop loafing, get to work, and keep out of mischief.” These stories all gloss over the fact that “a group of white men chased Norman from the polls” and then decided they should “pay Mose Norman a visit to bring him to his senses” (Ortiz 220-221).
In the months that followed, the events at Ocoee were infrequently discussed in our white Florida papers. Sporadic reports discussed the hearings in Washington D.C. requested by the NAACP in response to the massacre. Paul Oritz argues that the event “drove nearly five hundred African Americans out of Ocoee, and the town became Florida’s newest white homeland,” which may explain the lack of coverage of the issue (Ortiz 223). The dearth in coverage in Florida papers after the massacre demonstrates deeply entrenched racial issues, the effects of which can still be felt today, in early 20th century Florida.
Citations and Additional Resources
Ortiz, Paul. Emancipation Betrayed: The Hidden History of Black Organizing and White Violence in Florida from Reconstruction to the Bloody Election of 1920. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2005.
Today we bring you a guest post by R. Boyd Murphree, Project Manager, Florida Family and Community History, Digital Services and Shared Collections, University of Florida, George A. Smathers Libraries. He can be contacted at email@example.com and is also on Twitter @boyd_murphree.
The 2016 presidential election has triggered an avalanche of vitriol and sheer nastiness that seems destined to make the election one of the most divisive in US history. Few presidential races have garnered more negative press and generated more negative public reaction than the battle between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton. The bitterness of 2016 brings to mind the famous elections of 1860 (Lincoln and secession) and 1968 (Nixon and Vietnam) as parallel periods of anxiety and political division among the electorate.
A more subtle but equally instructive example from past presidential races is the election of 1920, when the nation confronted many of the same issues that dominate the current contest: race, terrorism, the role of women in politics, and uncertainty about America’s role in the world. Going into the election, Florida, like the rest of the Deep South, was a Democratic stronghold. The few Florida newspapers available in Chronicling America from 1920 reflect the Southern, white, male and Democratic view of the issues and the candidates.
Unlike Trump and Clinton, whose controversial names are unlikely to disappear any time soon from American political memory, the names Harding and Cox are seldom recalled today. James M. Cox, the Democratic nominee in 1920, long ago entered the pantheon of losing, little-known presidential contenders. Of course, Republican Warren G. Harding won the presidency, but he is remembered more for love affairs than affairs of state. However, it is not the personalities of the candidates that makes the election of 1920 pertinent today, but the issues that permeated the race.
Only two years earlier, the nation emerged victorious from World War I. Despite this victory, America was divided about the results of a peace that left millions dead for questionable gain. Americans were ready to turn inward and embrace Harding’s call for a return to “normalcy” in foreign and domestic affairs. That normalcy was also disturbed in 1919 by a wave of strikes and bombings that resulted in the nation’s first Red Scare, a fear that the success of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia would bring anarchism and communism to America’s shores. The Red Scare encouraged suspicion of foreigners and foreign doctrines that seemed to endanger American security, fueling the resurrection of the Ku Klux Klan, which would become a powerful and violent presence in the country during the next decade.
Fear of the foreign was matched by fear of the familiar. On August 18, 1920, the nation ratified the Nineteenth Amendment giving women the vote. The election of 1920 became the first presidential election in which all American women of legal age in each of then forty-eight states had the right to vote. Florida had not ratified the Nineteenth Amendment and would not do so until 1969. Many Florida legislators believed that extending the vote to women would only encourage more African Americans to vote (black women could vote for the first time). After the national ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment made Florida’s continued opposition irrelevant, the same segregationists urged white Florida women to register and vote to offset the expected increase in black voting, now that black women had the vote. Florida women could vote and did so on November 2, 1920, the date of the presidential election. The Ocala Evening Star reported the historic moment on Election Day by noting the names of the first seven white women to vote in Marion County and, with less eye for detail, observed, “A majority of the colored voters are women.”
The fact that African Americans showed up at the polls in large numbers—the Ocala Evening Star reported heavy voting on the “colored side” on election morning—was the result of an organized drive, especially among black women, to register African Americans to vote and vote Republican. The goal of this “Florida movement,” according to historian Paul Ortiz, was “a statewide movement aimed at shattering white supremacy” (Ortiz, 172).
Whites reacted with organized opposition to the black vote. Groups of armed whites, led by the newly resurgent Ku Klux Klan, formed to intimidate and prevent blacks from voting across the state. The resilience of the Florida movement did result in successful black voting in a number of cities, but African American voters in many localities were not so fortunate. Central Florida became the scene of the worst racial violence on Election Day when white residents of Orange County attacked African Americans in Ocoee. African Americans in Ocoee resisted the white mob and a bloody battle raged for several hours in the now burning black community. Known as the Ocoee Massacre, the fighting resulted in the deaths of dozens of African Americans and drove hundreds of others from the town.
As Ocoee burned, Americans awoke to a resounding Republican victory on the morning after Election Day. Hoover swept the nation with over sixty percent of the popular vote and 404 electoral votes to Cox’s 127. The election resolved which party would dominate Washington during the 1920s, but many of the election’s most divisive issues remain with the county to this day.
Johnson, Kenneth R. “Florida Women Get the Vote.” Florida Historical Quarterly 48, no. 3 (January 1970): 299-312.
Ortiz, Paul. Emancipation Betrayed: The Hidden History of Black Organizing and White Violence in Florida From Reconstruction to the Bloody Election of 1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).
Pietrusza, David. 1920 The Year of Six Presidents (New York: Carroll and Graf, 2007).
July 25, 2016 marks the 100th anniversary of the National Parks Service (NPS). Established by Woodrow Wilson under the Organic Act of 1916, the national parks are enjoyed by millions of visitors interested in exploring the diversity and beauty of the U.S. landscape. Today, the creation of a new federal bureau would likely make headlines, but the policy issues surrounding the consolidation of park management as well as the other conservation acts leading up to the creation of the NPS don’t seem to drive the discussion about national parks in our papers. Instead, the parks are frequently mentioned in conjunction with tourism. Across our papers, headlines related to national parks typically take the form of travel notices about Floridians on the move, advertisements offering guided trips to the West, and society segments chronicling the travels of famous Americans to distant areas like Yosemite, Crater Lake, and Glacier National Parks. Finding this perspective in our papers isn’t all that surprising, an argument historian Marguerite S. Shaffer makes in her book See America First: Tourism and National Identity 1880-1940. In her work, she argues “under the leadership of the National Park Service, the United States government, in partnership with private corporations, began to define and promote a national tourism as a ritual of American citizenship. In the process, the national parks were transformed into a system of national assets, and tourism became integrally linked to national identity” (Shaffer 92). To celebrate the centennial of the NPS, we’ll be exploring instances in our papers where the parks are discussed in relation to travel.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, interest in the American West increased substantially due in part to stories, photos, and even theater shows like Buffalo Bill’s Wild West celebrating the region circulating in the Eastern U.S. and Europe. Expansions in national railroad infrastructure as well as new travel technology like the car made it easier than ever for people to explore the vast American West, leading to concerns about conservation and access. This is an issue tourism scholars Richard W. Butler and Stephen W. Boyd discuss in the introduction to the book Tourism and National Parks: Issues and Implications. In it they claim, “while preservation and romantic notions of safeguarding wilderness places were often stated as the driving forces behind early park establishment, many of the first parks would not have been established if they had offered no potential for tourism….The first parks in North America, for example, Yellowstone and Banff, benefited from the presence of railroad interests that provided not only initial access to the parks but also the necessary tourism infrastructure within the parks for the first tourists” (Butler and Boyd 9). While some Americans may think of the parks as pristine nature preserves, they are in fact tied up in a larger legacy of tourism and development.
Yellowstone National Park was the first park to be formed by the U.S government. Signed into law by President Ulysses S. Grant on March 1, 1872, it became the first such park “in the history of the world” (PBS EP1). By the end of the 19th century, there were additional national parks including Sequoia, Yosemite, and Mt. Rainier. A further expansion of presidential powers took place in 1906 when Teddy Roosevelt signed what is commonly known as the Antiquities Act, giving the president “the exclusive authority – without any Congressional approval – to preserve places that would be called national monuments” (PBS EP2). Conflict over who would manage these monuments and parks demonstrated a need to create a governmental agency with that express purpose. At the same time this need developed at an administrative level, promotional materials were created and distributed by groups in support of the parks (including companies using the slogan “See America First”) which “sought to establish the value of national parks as national assets” (Shaffer 104). Public and corporate support for the national parks generated by promotional campaigns contributed to the passage and signing of the Organic Act of 1916. Combined with the fact that access to Europe for tourists was hindered by the ongoing World War, Americans turned west to explore their own country. As we see in our papers during this time period, “between 1918 and 1919, the parks were defined as more than just scenic wonders. They became quintessentially American landscapes that objectified the American character and embodied the essence of the nation, and in the tradition of democracy, they belonged to the people, ever available for their benefit and pleasure” (Shaffer 114-115).
With that background in mind, please enjoy the following excerpts from our Florida newspapers about visiting the national parks during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Famous Visitors to the Parks
Auto Tourism and the Parks
Citations and Additional Sources
Butler, Richard W. and Stephen W. Boyd. “Tourism and parks-a long but uneasy relationship.” In Tourism and National Parks: Issues and Implications, edited by Richard W. Butler and Stephen W. Boyd, 3-11. Chichester, England: John Wiley & Sons, LTD, 2000.
Department of the Interior, National Park Service. Yellowstone National Park, Ranger Naturalist Service. 1 print (poster): screen, color ; 48 x 36 cm. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. From: Library of Congress, http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2007676133/ (accessed August 25, 2016).
Shaffer, Marquerite S. See America First: Tourism and National Identity, 1880-1940. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2001.
We’ve posted a quick tutorial on YouTube that covers the what the Florida & Puerto Rico Digital Newspaper Project is, our partners, and how to perform searches using the advanced search option. This is only the tip of the iceberg in terms of ChronAm’s functionality, but we hope this walk-through inspires you to dig into the past.